CHOMSKY - Defending the truth
Tawfiq Chahboune
A curious letter arrives at the Guardian. Although entitled "Srebrenica -
defending the truth" (henceforth "SDTT"), the letter has very little to do
with Srebrenica or the truth of what happened there, especially when the
subject of the letter, Noam Chomsky, agrees that a terrible crime against
humanity did occur at Srebrenica. In actuality, the letter concerns itself
almost wholly with defending the professional integrity of Emma Brockes, a
Guardian journalist, and claims that Noam Chomsky has been ambiguous in
accepting what happened at Srebrenica and is involved in "revisionist attempts
to deny the Bosnian genocide and minimise the Srebrenica massacre."
After much back and forth, the Guardian chose not to publish; instead, the
letter appears on the website of the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN).
Signed by twenty-four - although I count twenty-five - journalists, writers
and analysts, some of whose work I greatly admire and value (for example, Ed
Vulliamy, Francis Wheen and Nick Cohen), it concerns Emma Brockes's
"besmirched reputation" and the perceived insult to a Kemal Pervanić. They
end: "We call upon The Guardian to withdraw its 'correction' of 17 November
[2005]; to apologise unreservedly to Emma Brockes for its unjust impugning of
her professional reputation; and to apologise unreservedly to Kemal Pervanić
for misrepresenting his argument and insulting his intelligence."
The attempt was to portray the issue as one of respectable and knowledgeable
figures on one side "defending the truth" about what happened in Srebrenica,
and on the other side a crank, who has for some reason a wide following and
been acknowledged the world's leading intellectual and who, they claim, is
defending a lie. Except the letter is not actually about Srebrenica. It is
about defending the reputation of Emma Brockes. They themselves make this
clear.
THE STORY SO FAR…
Emma Brockes interviews Noam
Chomsky for the Guardian. Chomsky then complains that what appeared in the
Guardian had little bearing to the interview. The Guardian investigates and
finds in favour of Chomsky, apologises and prints a correction to the
offending article, before finally withdrawing the piece from its website. The
Guardian do not demur when Chomsky says that the interview was taped. The
issue can be resolved by releasing the tape, but the Guardian, having reviewed
all the evidence, to accept guilt, apologise to Chomsky and, of course, not
refer to the tape. One would have expected the signatories - so sure is their
bluster - to demand the release of the tape and prove Chomsky a liar and all
the other fanciful things they charge him with. Here is their opportunity to
burst the Chomsky bubble. What is their reaction? Silence. That they do not
refer to the tape, and actually stay well clear of it, tells us much about
their arguments and indeed their standards.
The issue here is Brockes's interview. If Brockes's reputation is the issue,
as the signatories have made it, and the handling of the interview is what has
"besmirched" her professional reputation, then it is, by definition, what one
should concentrate on. Therein lies the truth. Nothing else is pertinent to
the controversy. Indeed, one can even know nothing about any of the
protagonists and Srebrenica and still come to an informed decision.
A "BESMIRCHED REPUTATION" AND AN "INSULT"
The letter starts: "We are
writing to protest at the 'correction' published by The Guardian on 17
November, in relation to Emma Brockes's interview with Noam Chomsky of 31
October and the Bosnian concentration-camp survivor Kemal Pervanić's letter to
The Guardian of 2 November. We believe that by issuing this 'correction', The
Guardian has unjustly besmirched Brockes's reputation, misrepresented and
insulted Pervanić [a survivor of Serb atrocities] and bestowed a stamp of
legitimacy on revisionist attempts to deny the Bosnian genocide and minimise
the Srebrenica massacre." It goes on: "we believe that neither of Chomsky's
complaints against Brockes is valid; that Brockes's presentation of his views
was essentially fair."
Note that they are not saying that Brockes's representation was accurate - but
that, to them, it was "essentially fair". They have made it clear that they
are not concerned with the truth. The truth is completely irrelevant. The
signatories reference Brockes's interview only once (not to defend Brockes but
Pervanić) and for the good reason that they cannot defend the interview
itself.
The Guardian responded to the controversy thus: "At the time the correction
was published, the author of the interview, Emma Brockes, her immediate
editor, Ian Katz, and Noam Chomsky, the complainant, all expressed their
acceptance of the way in which the matter had been dealt with and resolved."
Mayes goes on to say: "The Guardian journalists have repeated their acceptance
of the correction in conversations with me in the past few days." That is,
Brockes repeatedly accepted that her reporting was inaccurate. Evidently, the
signatories are unaware that by demanding the Guardian retract their
correction they are also demanding Brockes retract the correction she herself
thinks is warranted. What does that say about Brockes? That she has no idea
what she is doing?
Chomsky objected to the headline of the article: "Q: Do you regret supporting
those who claim the Srebrenica massacre was exaggerated? A: My only regret is
that I didn't do it strongly enough." The Guardian accepted that that question
was never put to Chomsky and apologised: "No question in that form was put to
Prof Chomsky." Furthermore: "The Guardian also accepts that and acknowledges
that the headline was wrong and unjustified by the text. Ms Brockes's
misrepresentation of Prof Chomsky's views on Srebrenica stemmed from her
misunderstanding of his support for Ms Johnstone."
The signatories imply that the question was asked and answered as the Guardian
originally stated. Given that they were not party to the original interview or
the discussions concerning the "correction", how can they judge on the very
specific matter (Brockes's reporting of the interview) they're writing to
complain about? Brockes, Ian Katz (Brockes's editor), and the Guardian accept
that Chomsky's complaints are valid, but the signatories, who are in no
position to judge the matter, do not.
THE CASE FOR BROCKES BACKFIRES
The signatories are of the
opinion that Brockes's integrity is in tatters by acknowledging that a
correction was in order when it was not. Indeed, by demanding this retraction,
when Brockes herself repeatedly accepted that an apology and correction was in
order, they are themselves intimating that she is unethical, unprofessional
and incompetent for accepting that one was in order. Apparently, Brockes is
incapable of deciding whether she has or has not made a mistake, the poor
dear. In which case, Brockes has no business interviewing anyone if she is so
inept that she cannot rely on her reporting or judgement.
The signatories then set out a series of allegations. Before coming to these,
however, the important thing to notice is that this list of complaints does
not fundamentally address the accuracy of Brockes's interview, which the
Guardian and Brockes admit is flawed. They are trying to defend the integrity
of the interview by referring to other quotes, which were not quoted in the
interview and are not germane to Brockes's "besmirched reputation". So while
Brockes and the Guardian accept that Chomsky did not deny a massacre at
Srebrenica, the signatories seem to conclude that he must have done, because
elsewhere, certainly not in the Brockes interview he says that this massacre
was not genocide. Notwithstanding his acknowledgement that there was a
massacre. Their argument is so profound that it doesn't make any sense.
THE FATUOUS FIVE...
The signatories make five
charges against Chomsky. However, they do not reference where it is Chomsky
has written or said what they report, but one will take them at their word,
though the context and full quotation is important and may change the
appearance of what is quoted. Reason 4 concerns the alleged insult to Kemal
Pervanić, someone Chomsky is unaware of. The other reasons concern Brockes's
"besmirched" integrity.
REASON 1. The letter calls as first witness Diana Johnstone's book
Fools' Crusade. That's right, the defence of Brockes's interview is not the
interview itself but quotes from someone else's printed word. And someone who
has nothing to do with what Chomsky did or did not say in the interview.
Brilliant.
REASON 2. The writers then turn to Chomsky's support for Johnstone,
which is irrelevant to the accuracy of the interview that has "besmirched"
Brockes. The writers quote Chomsky as saying that the book is: "quite serious
and important" and "Johnstone argues - and, in fact, clearly demonstrates -
that a good deal of what has been charged has no basis in fact, and much of it
is pure fabrication." This is the "proof" that Chomsky denies the massacre at
Srebrenica: "This goes beyond support for Johnstone's right to free speech,
and amounts to an endorsement of her arguments." Is saying that a book is
"quite serious and important" an "endorsement of its arguments"? Or all?
For instance, Eric Hobsbawm's Age of Extremes is generally considered to be an
excellent history of the twentieth century. Many of the signatories would
probably agree. Do they therefore endorse all of Hobsbawm's arguments? Now, do
all those who reviewed the book favourably therefore agree with Hobsbawm's own
opinion, which he states in the book, that the Holocaust did not claim six
million Jews? Hobsbawm believes that the true figure is closer to five million
(and others believe it to be in excess of six million). By the signatories'
standard, anyone who states that Hobsbawm's book is "quite serious and
important" must be "ambiguous" in their recognition of the Holocaust.
Hobsbawm makes a pertinent point: "Would the horror of the holocaust be any
less if historians concluded that it estimated not six millions (the rough and
certainly exaggerated original estimate) but five or even four?" Quite. Now,
would the horror of Srebrenica be any less if it were determined that a few
hundred less people were murdered? Or a couple of thousand? Or even half the
numbers stated? Of course not. The crime itself is the issue. Hobsbawm is
recognised as a serious and brilliant historian. But here Hobsbawm is
explicitly stating that the worst crime in history (the Nazi Holocaust of the
Jews) has been "exaggerated". Would any of the signatories care to call
Hobsbawm a Holocaust denier? The Guardian called the book "A masterpiece";
Financial Times "Dazzling"; Independent "Magnificent"; John Simpson "The best
account of our calamitous century"; etc. How to judge their comments? Are they
"diminishing" or "revising" the Holocaust?
REASON 3. No surprises that this has nothing to do with the content of
the "interview" they wish to defend The charge is that: "It is untrue that
Chomsky has been as unambiguous in his recognition of the Srebrenica massacre
as he now claims." One will wait in vain for the killer quote from Chomsky
that there was no massacre. But read on. The allegation is that Chomsky's use
of the word "estimate" for the massacred Muslims at Srebrenica is indicative
of his denial or ambiguous attitude that such a massacre even happened. Is
that it? Well, given that no one actually knows the exact number of how many
people were murdered at Srebrenica, is it not reasonable to use the word
"estimate"? Exact figures are impossible. Only estimates are possible. If one
says an estimated six million Jews were murdered by the Nazis, is one denying
the crime? Of course not. Or are we expected to accept that exactly six
million Jews were murdered by the Nazis? Not one more, not one less? Similarly
with Srebrenica.
But the signatories continue: "If Brockes's depiction of Chomsky's position on
Srebrenica was inaccurate, then it was an inaccuracy for which his own
ambiguity on the subject was entirely responsible," not the invented question
and answer, which the Guardian has accepted was invented. It is manifestly the
case that they have not shown or proven any "ambiguity". Indeed, they
themselves have been "ambiguous" by referring to Srebrenica as a massacre and
genocide. In any case, what the writers seem to be defending is that the
interview has every right to be incorrect, even invented, because in the past
Chomsky may have led people to believe that he was ambiguous on the matter.
Their defence of Brockes is that she is entitled to write anything because it
could be true. In which case, why interview the man?
REASON 4. This is essentially a question of defining the term
"genocide". Chomsky's position is that mass murder is not of itself genocide
and thus does not believe the Srebrenica massacre falls within his
understanding of the term genocide. So, for example, the Holocaust was
genocide. As was Rwanda. There was an intent to destroy a people because of
their race or ethnicity. But other mass murders, though horrific and may
indeed claim more lives than those coming under the definition of genocide,
say the Russian destruction of Grozny or Afghanistan, or the US war on
Vietnam, which do not intend to wipe out an ethnic or racial group of people
are, to his mind, not genocide. One would think that that would be the basis
of an honourable disagreement, not the cause of slandering people as genocide
deniers. Chomsky is disagreeing on definitions, not the crime, which is what
the signatories are alluding to. Those who deny the crime are another matter.
Those who query the definition, not the crime, should not be classed in the
same way as the deniers of the crime. Chomsky is sympathetic to Johnstone's
factual claim: "However, one thing should be obvious: one does not commit
'genocide' by sparing women and children." That would come under mass murder,
not "genocide". Not unreasonably, Chomsky agrees. We can therefore dismiss
this as proof of any intent to diminish the crime. Again, yet again, note that
this is irrelevant to the conversation Chomsky had with Brockes.
REASON 5. This concerns Chomsky's complaint about a letter from Kemal
Pervanić, who writes that he is a "survivor of the [Serb-run] Omarska
concentration camp". This does not directly concern Brockes's integrity. The
signatories demand that the Guardian "apologise unreservedly to Kemal Pervanić
for misrepresenting his argument and insulting his intelligence".
Given that Brockes's interview is fundamentally flawed, one should discount
any quote attributed to Chomsky. But we'll see how far their argument flies on
the basis of what Chomsky is reported to have said. Mr Pervanić writes: "I was
shocked by some of the views of Noam Chomsky in the article by Emma Brockes."
"If Srebrenica has been a lie, then all the other Bosnian-Serb nationalists'
crimes in the three years before Srebrenica must be false too." Chomsky's
comments have the "effect of excusing these crimes" and insinuating that "I am
also a liar".
Apparently, Chomsky has no reason to complain about a letter that claimed that
he believes that "Srebrenica has been a lie" and that "all the other
Bosnian-Serb nationalists' crimes in the three years before Srebrenica must be
false too" or "excusing these crimes", although at no point has he ever
claimed this. Nor has Chomsky indicated in any way that Mr Pervanić is "a
liar". At no stage has Chomsky ever claimed Srebrenica is "a lie".
The only basis for Mr Pervanić believing this is the interview that the
Guardian and Brockes accepts misrepresented Chomsky. The Guardian upholds
Chomsky's complaint: "Prof Chomsky believes that publication was designed to
undermine his position, and addressed a part of the interview which was
false." What exactly are the signatories complaining about? Well, the above
quotes from Pervanić can't be it, because it is absolutely clear Chomsky said
nothing of the sort Pervanić claims. In what way does a letter from a
concentration camp survivor damning Chomsky for statements he never made not
undermine Chomsky's position?
According to the signatories, "Chomsky has at no time claimed that Brockes
misrepresented his view on this matter" concerning his defence of Living
Marxism. They claim that "Pervanić's letter in The Guardian condemned Chomsky
above all for his defence of Living Marxism's discredited claims. The Guardian
has therefore misrepresented Pervanić and insulted his intelligence." (Not
that they are concerned with the misrepresentations the Guardian and Brockes
accept! So why bring make a virtue of this red herring? This is the comical
level the signatories have descended to so as to defame Chomsky.) Well, no,
Pervanić's main complaint is: "The importance of this issue is not about the
number of people who were killed in and around Srebrenica, but about
deliberate attempts to at best trivialise, at worst deny, genocidal acts
committed by Serb nationalists in Bosnia." Chomsky has never trivialised or
denied these atrocities. If he had, the signatories would have disclosed the
damning evidence. He does not deny the crime but whether the term "genocide"
is applicable.
In connection to the above, the signatories refer to Chomsky's defence of
"Living Marxism's discredited claims", even "though Living Marxism's claim was
proven to be false in a British court of law". They are alluding to ITN's
libel case against Living Marxism, which put the magazine out of business.
What this has to do with Srebrenica is a mystery. But then Srebrenica (or
indeed any other crimes against humanity) has nothing to do with any of what
is being levelled at Chomsky. As the signatories should be aware, Living
Marxism's claims were not discredited in a court of law. Diana Johnstone sums
it up rather nicely:
"Ms Brockes writes that the LM report was 'proven' to be false in a court of
law. In fact, ITN put LM out of business by winning a libel suit against the
magazine. But due to the quaint nature of British libel law, the decisive
issue in court was NOT the truth about the wire fence. Rather, it was whether
or not the ITN reporters had 'deliberately' sought to deceive the public. The
issue become one of intentions and emotions. The judge, in his summing up,
acknowledged that the ITN team reporters were mistaken as to who was enclosed
by the old barbed-wire fence, adding, 'but does it matter?' The jury decided
it did not."
That is not the same as having one's claims "discredited". Reporting from
Trnopolje, the camp at the heart of the ITN-LM libel case, Ed Vulliamy, one of
the signatories, wrote: "Trnopolje cannot be called a 'concentration camp' and
is nowhere as sinister as Omarska: it is very grim, something between a
civilian prison and transit camp."
CONCLUSION
The signatories' arguments are
utterly ridiculous. So much so that one wonders whether they read what they
signed. Chomsky comes out of all this in excellent moral health, his integrity
unblemished. The signatories, meanwhile...well...isn't it obvious? "SDTT"
joins a long line of critiques of Chomsky. All of which find a place in the
categories of unbelievably stupid, hilariously ill-informed or fantastic
knowing lies. The reader is left to judge which category "SDTT" fits. If there
are sound critiques of Chomsky, I've yet to read one. The fatuously titled "SDTT",
however, is certainly not one of them. The signatories have impugned and
besmirched Brockes's integrity when, by her acceptance that she had seriously
misrepresented and misunderstood Chomsky's comments, it had been arguably
redeemed. Congratulations. Although it is certainly curious that Brockes,
having played and replayed the tape so as to accurately quote Chomsky, did not
realise that she was making a dog's breakfast of the "interview" until a
complaint from Chomsky came her way. But one must always be willing to give
the benefit of the doubt.
Postscript, March 2006: Oliver Kamm and Francis Wheen, two of the "SDTT"
signatories, have joined with David Aaronovitch and written to the Guardian to
complain about the apology afforded to Chomsky. Their letter, after more back
and forth, was also, like "SDTT", not printed. Aaronovitch posted it on his
Times' weblog and Kamm posted it on his website, which is almost exclusively
dedicated to Chomsky; nearly all of Kamm's political commentary is either
manifestly false or manifestly and laughably false. The letter goes over
exactly the same turf as "SDTT", or, as it should be accurately called,
"Chomsky - any nonsense will do". Raking over the same garbage was the best
they could muster. One does wonder how it is that all these writers,
journalists and academics can go to the trouble of defaming an innocent man
and not feel the slightest guilt. Some repeat the offence again.
Extraordinary! Aaronovitch, for instance, is a gem. He doesn't even take his
own journalism seriously. Although this is normally an impossibility for
anyone with an ounce on integrity and decency, Aaronovitch's complete lack of
these qualities means that he is capable of anything. With respect to Iraq's
supposed WMD, Aaronovitch blustered: "If nothing is eventually found, I - as a
supporter of the war - will never believe another thing that I am told by our
government, or that of the US ever again." Why believe what he says when he
himself doesn't? Knowing that the whole thing is built on a monstrous lie, it
was no surprise to see Andrew Sullivan cheer the Aaronovitch-Kamm-Wheen letter
as a wonderful and systematic demolition job. Sullivan, lest we forget,
advocated a Nazi-like holocaust of Iraqis for, er, the American anthrax
attacks on Washington!
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